May 17, 1966
Page 10757
POLISH CHRISTIAN MILLENNIUM ADDRESS BY SENATOR MUSKIE AT ALLIANCE COLLEGE
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, last week the distinguished junior Senator from Maine [Mr. MUSKIE] delivered an enlightening and inspirational speech on the observance of the Polish Christian Millennium. The address was given at Alliance College in my home State of Pennsylvania. His sense of ethnic pride can be shared by all of us who know of Poland's great contributions to Western civilization. America has been particularly fortunate in having within its citizenry so many men and women of Polish descent to enhance and broaden our cultural foundation.
The 1,000 years of Polish Christianity attest to the spirit, courage, and fortitude of a great people. Because I deem the Senator from Maine's address at Alliance College to be of interest and value to all Americans, I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:
THIS IS OUR HERITAGE
(Remarks by Senator EDMUND S. MUSKIE on the Polish Millennium at Alliance College,
Cambridge Springs, Pa., May 7,1966)
President Parcinski, Most Reverend Bishop Watson, Reverend Fathers, Reverend Sisters, Censor Dworakowski, ladies and gentlemen, I am happy to be here at this time, at this place, and in such distinguished company.
With you, I have enjoyed this evening up to this point.
I have enjoyed the music of Chopin, the performance of Mr. Zugcic and Mr. Aaron, and the singing of the Millennium Singers, and the folk dancing of the Kujawiaki, Dr. Parcinski, has truly been a symbol of that excellence which is the objective of Alliance College.
Now it is my task to speak, and yours to listen. I hope that we finish at the same time.
We are here because, one thousand years ago, Poland entered upon the stage of world history and embraced Christianity.
Ever since, she has had an impressive and meaningful influence upon Western civilization.
An influence that has enriched the life of Western man.
An influence that has contributed to the development of Western political institutions and concepts.
An influence that has been exerted by Polish leaders who have been, at the same time, leaders in the Western World.
An influence that gives us reason, as Poles, on this millennium anniversary, to be proud of our heritage and what it has meant for mankind.
It is appropriate, therefore, that we should create occasions such as this to review that heritage, to take satisfaction from it, but more important, to draw meaning from it as we contemplate today's world and the unknown future.
There is much of glory in Poland's past -- glory which was the product of the love of liberty, fierce independence, intense patriotism, and courage so characteristic of the Polish people.
And because of her geographic position, Poland has had ample opportunity to put these qualities to the test.
On two important occasions in a thousand years, Poland was the first line of defense against invading hordes from the East, She held her line proudly, and the eastern dreams of conquering Europe were dashed.
Every Pole remembers that in 1241, Prince Henryk Pobozny at the cost of his life forced
the Mongol invaders to retreat to Asia in the battle of Legnica.
Every Pole remembers that, in 1683, Poland put an end to Turkish expansion in Europe, when the great Jan Sobieski went to the aid of Vienna, and, in a decisive battle, routed the Turks.
And no Pole will ever forget that, even under the burdens Poland has carried in this century, she has fought gallantly in the cause of freedom.
In 1920, Polish armies, led by Marshal Jozef Pilsudski, arrested the march of the Bolsheviks on Germany, and the victory, known as the "miracle on the banks of the Vistula," was credited with saving Europe from communism.
In 1939, Poland was the first to feel the military heel of the Nazis at the start of World War II.
Outmatched at the start by Germany's motorized military machine, Poland was stung 17 days later by an attack on the East front by Russia.
Alone and isolated, unable to defend herself on her homeland, she refused to play a passive role in the war.
Without delay, the Polish Army, Navy and Air Force, 80,000 strong, regrouped in France, fought at the side of France, then with the British, and later on, in Norway, North Africa, Italy, Normandy, Belgium and the Netherlands. In the famous battle of Britain in 1940, Polish airmen were responsible for 15 percent of the German air losses. Altogether, more than 300,000 Poles served with the Allied forces during the war. Meanwhile, at home, Poland built one of the strongest underground networks in Nazi-occupied Europe.
This is a valiant record for a nation which was attacked and overrun by two nations almost before the rest of the world recognized that a global war had begun.
It is the record of a nation which, for a thousand years, has never rejected the burdens of freedom. And, despite the bitter disappointments of the postwar years, the spirit of freedom has never died. The Poznan uprising of 1956 was a vivid expression of that spirit. It still burns today among Poles, both in and out of Poland, and always will.
The same qualities which brought glory on the field of battle, were the inspiration for achievement in the works of peace.
Poland's history sings of human and cultural progress.
Encouraged by centuries of reverence for individual freedom, the arts and sciences flourished.
Even a partial list is impressive:
Europe's first ministry of education resulting from the constitution of 1791;
Mikolaj Kopernik, one of Europe's outstanding scholars in the 16th century, and the father of modern astronomy;
Ludwik Zamenhoff, the inventor of the language of Esperanto;
Madame Marie-Curie-Sklodowska, world famous for the discovery of radium;
In the field of literature, Wladyslaw Reymont and Henryk Sienkiewicz, winners of Nobel Prizes, Reymont for his novel "The Peasants," and Sienkiewicz for "Quo Vadis"; and the world renowned Jozef Conrad-Korzeniowski, author of "Lord Jim" and other novels.
In no field has the glory of Poland shone more brightly than in the field of music. Frederic Chopin is a gift to the ages. His brilliant compositions will delight the souls of men as long as music is heard. And in our times, the world has thrilled to the incomparable Paderewski, Rubinstein, Landowsks, and Rodginski.
These glories are but the beginning of the Polish story.
Especially impressive have been Poland's contributions to the ideals and concepts of democracy.
In the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries, Poland was the largest and most civilized and powerful state in Central and Eastern Europe.
And the significant fact is that this achievement was built on a series of fundamental concepts of liberty:
The "Nemineh Captiuabus" in 1425 which guaranteed personal liberty of the citizens.
The "Statutes of Nieszawa" in 1454 which established a bicameral parliamentary system.
The "Nihil Novi" in 1505 which made the crown powerless to legislate without consent of the two chambers.
Beginning in 1573, election of the kings of Poland, and a new set of laws known as "Pacts, Conventa" which gave citizens the right to withdraw allegiance to the king if he transgressed any law or broke any stipulation under which he was elected.
These and other concepts are striking examples of a nation's will to be free of tyranny.
It was the custom for nations seeking empires to subjugate weaker nations and to build autocratic central authority.
Not in Poland. Internally, she decentralized authority. Internationally, she sought to win the hearts of her member nations. She undertook to gain their loyalty, not by coercion, but by making them political and cultural partners.
The free union of Poland and Lithuania, concluded in 1413, is unique in the history of international relations. The treaty puts at the very basis of the union the Christian principle of love.
An attitude of tolerance and respect for local institutions, religion and language was taken by Poland toward her vassal states.
The immense dominions of the Polish crown were divided into 34 provinces, all of which enjoyed all the privileges and benefits of broadly conceived self-government.
Eventually, the degree of local independence contributed to the several partitions of Poland in the 18th century. However, she responded to the internal turmoil by writing the constitution of 1791, a remarkable document in its day. It balanced individual freedoms against the needs of the nation.
Class distinction was ended. Towns obtained administrative and judicial autonomy and parliamentary representation. Peasants were placed under the protection of law. Measures aimed at the abolition of serfdom were sanctioned.
What is there, then, in all this thousand years of history as a Christian nation which has particular pertinence to our day, to our times, and to our future?
Belief in God -- yes -- with a faith which relates God's will and God's justice and God's compassion to the destiny of Poles and Poland in that great national symbol -- the Black Madonna.
And so Poles have believed in and fought for the dignity of man -- as they have believed in and fought for the independence of Poland -- and as they have believed in and fought for freedom from tyranny.
These beliefs have written our history, inspired our leaders and our people, shaped our institutions, produced our culture, our literature and our music. These beliefs are Poland -- the Poland which the world knows and honors and respects -- the Poland of history! -- the Poland which lives in the hearts and minds of all Poles!
This is the Poland which, in the Warsaw Conference of 1573, guaranteed free worship of any religion.
This is the Poland, whose non-Jewish Poles hid 300,000 Jews from the searching German Nazis, notwithstanding the threat of the death penalty if caught.
This is the Poland whose Tadeusz Kosciuszko, the "father of American artillery," fought for American Independence and then authorized the sale of the lands given him by a grateful America, the proceeds to be used to free and educate slaves.
This is the Poland whose Kasimir Pulaski, the "father of American cavalry," died in the same cause.
This is the Poland of which my father spoke to me, at his knee, for hours on end, out of the fullness of his heart.
Increasingly, as the years passed by and my comprehension grew, he drove home his lesson.
What he had lost by leaving Poland had been more than offset by what he gained -- for himself and for me. Here, if a man had ability, he could apply it in a manner of his own choosing. Here, if a man had an opinion, he could express it without fear of reprisal. Here, if a man disagreed with governmental policy, he could say so, and, more than that, he could do something about it by casting his ballot at the polls. Here, a man was completely free to reap the fruits of his own integrity, intellectual and physical capacity, his own work. There were no heights toward which he could not strive, it mattered not what his national background, his religious or political beliefs, his economic status in life might be.
These beliefs were my father's life. He held them confidently through periods when he felt the lash of prejudice directed against those of foreign birth and of his creed.. On the evening of my inaugural day as Governor of Maine, he turned to me and said, very simply, "Now I can die happy.'' A few months later the final chapter of his life was written. I am sure that, in the closing moments, he must have thought of the strange and wonderful destiny which had so astonishingly vindicated the beliefs which had uprooted his life.
In 1789, Benjamin Franklin described the America which was my father's life, and his Polish heritage when he wrote:
"God grant, that not only the love of liberty but a thorough knowledge of the rights of man, may pervade all the nations of the earth, so that a philosopher may set his foot anywhere on its surface, and say, 'this is my country'." This is our heritageand our unfinished task -- here and around the globe.
Everyone in America is a member. of a minority group. It may be economic, social, political, religious, racial, regional, or based upon national origin. It may not be such today as to set us apart in any unpleasant way. But it could tomorrow!
The character of our minority status may vary in its impact today upon our effective ,enjoyment of dignity, equality, security, and opportunity. It may not today constitute a disability in any of these respects. But it could tomorrow !
Our particular minority group may be joined today with others in a common cause or common prejudice or a common indifference with majority status. The accompanying power to affect the rights and privileges of minority groups not a part of the coalition is subject to abuse resulting from indifference, callousness, or deliberate intent.
Today, as a member of the current majority, the possibility, or even the actuality, of such abuse may be of no concern to us. But could be if our particular minority group becomes the object of tomorrow's prejudice or indifference !
To those who say -- and there are such -- that certain national and ethnic groups are better and more desirable as Americans than others, let us ask, "Who is to make the selection, and at what point in history, and is the selection subject to revision as the majority coalition changes?"
To those who say that there are superior and inferior citizens, depending wholly upon race, national origin, religion, or color, let us ask, "Who is to make the selection and how can you be sure what your status will be when the majority coalition takes shape?"
I am not suggesting that the case for civil liberties should be based upon fear of each other.
I am saying simply this. Our differences have made our country great. They have done so because, increasingly, creative ability, intellectual capacity, and high moral and spiritual principles, wherever found, have been allowed to seek their highest attainable level.
I am also saying this. Our differences can destroy us; and the instruments for such destruction are prejudice, fear, indifference, hatred and retaliation.
Is it better for us and our country that we seek reasons to like and trust each other? Or is it better that we seek reasons to fear each other?
In the 1860's, the Maine legislature concerned itself with the problem of inducing settlements in the unpeopled townships of the State. An agent was sent to Sweden, with instructions to make vigorous efforts to establish a Swedish colony in Maine. Within ten weeks he had brought to Maine twenty-two men, eleven women and eighteen children -- including a pastor, farmers, a civil engineer, a blacksmith, two carpenters, a basket maker, a baker, a tailor and a shoemaker. They carved a home out of the wilderness of northern Maine.
New immigrants followed. Within five years the population had increased to 600 who had built a prosperous community of 130 houses, barns, two steam sawmills, one water power sawmill and the incidental business establishments. At the end of five years, 133 men applied for citizenship.
A member of the Swedish Parliament wrote to the Governor of Maine as follows: "May the young colony of the 'New Sweden' grow and flourish, not only in material strength, but even in developing their moral and intellectual faculties. And may the new population thus add to your state and to your great republic a good and healthy element of moral power from the old world, and becoming imbued with the spirit of your free institutions, reflect that spirit on their native land.
"What we have lost in the old fatherland will then not have been lost to humanity: On the contrary, the trees have only been transplanted on a fresher soil, where they will thrive better, and give richer and more abundant fruits. God bless the harvest. God bless your land."
And we are the new Poland -- with a similar mission.
Civil liberty is the sunshine without which the crop will suffer. The enemy of civil liberty is prejudice. The cause of prejudice is fear -- fear of the unknown, fear that there is no real basis for mutual trust and confidence, fear that those discriminated against may abuse power and authority if given the chance.
If such fears are well-founded, there is no real basis for democratic institutions. All the evidence from our national history and experience indicates that they are not well-founded. The growth of our free institutions -- their effectiveness and strength -- has been in direct proportion to the expansion of civil liberties and their enjoyment by greater numbers of our people of more diverse and varied backgrounds, talents, and experiences. This has been our harvest. And it has been fruitful.
The cause of civil liberties, then, is not simply that of do-gooders, or of neighbors interfering without justification in the affairs of neighbors. It is the cause of all those who are concerned that our national climate be a healthy one.
Let those who support this cause, however, avoid self-righteousness. Let us not refuse to give the trust and confidence which we ask. Faith begets faith if buttressed by an accumulation of reassuring experiences.
We have made legislative progress in this field in recent years. Some believe we have moved too fast; others that we have not moved fast enough. Without resolving that difference of opinion, I think it fair to say that we have moved ahead, that the movement has achieved constructive results, and that it gives promise of more progress.
And we should take pride as Poles, that, as we contribute to that progress, we will be enhancing an ancient Polish heritage -- a heritage that was nobly expressed in 1413 in the treaty of union between Poland and Lithuania:
"May this deed be remembered forever. It is known to all that he will not attain salvation who is not sustained by the mystery of love which radiates goodness, reconciles those in discord, unites those who quarrel, dissipates hatred, puts an end to anger, furnishes to all the food of peace, brings together the scattered, lifts up the fallen, makes rough way smooth, turns wrong into right, aids virtues, injures no one, delights in all things: he, who take refuge in its arms will find safety, and thenceforth even though insulted, will have no fear.
"Through love, laws are established, kingdoms are ruled, cities are set in order, and the welfare of the state is brought to its highest."
This is the creed of a Christian nation.
We believe it because it is right.
We believe it because we are God's children.
We know that, only when all God's children are warmed by its beneficent glow, can we hope to achieve justice, and order, and peace on earth.