CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
April 14, 1966
Page 8169
Mr. MCINTYRE. Let me thank the Senator from Rhode Island, whose leadership in this whole field is recognized in the Senate, and also for his strong words of support which he has uttered on the floor of the Senate today. I know that his reaction was probably something like mine.
When I first learned of this matter, it was unbelievable, incredible, that such a transaction should be proposed, of bringing into Red China something of strategic importance that might very well affect seriously our own efforts in trying to bring peace in southeast Asia.
Mr. President, the remainder of the letter from Mr. MacArthur goes on to say:
In the light of the views expressed by the Secretary, the German Government, as well as other countries of the free world, has a clear understanding of our position in the matter. To leave no doubt in German minds, we instructed our Embassy in Bonn to raise the question of the steel rolling mill complex again and to ask the German Government to continue to review the question.
The Embassy has discussed this matter with the Germans as instructed. In preliminary comments on our Embassy's approach, German officials have stated that the equipment would not be suitable for the manufacture of arms and munitions but would produce civilian type items. They also said negotiations with the Communist Chinese are not yet completed and the contract has not been signed. The German Government will discuss the matter with the Embassy again after further consideration of the Embassy's approach.
I hope that the above information will be helpful. If I can be of any further assistance, please do not hesitate to let me know.
Sincerely.
DOUGLAS MACARTHUR II,
Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations.
Mr. President, I have some comments to make about his letter which reflect the position of the executive branch of our Government.
The State Department letter points out that:
There is an informal agreement between the industrialized free world countries on the types of goods which are strategic and which should not be sold to the Soviet bloc or Communist China.
Now this statement raises a few questions in my mind. Since steel rolling mills can be used to produce material for such military purposes as jeeps, trucks, and helmets, why have they not been included in the listing of strategic types of goods?
What is the value of such an informal agreement if it does not include such a basic strategic asset?
Why has the United States not attempted, since the announcement of the sale, to have the informal list amended to include steel rolling mills?
The State Department letters go on to mention the agreed list again:
The German Government told us that this type of mill is not on the agreed list of items subject to embargo. We did not, therefore, have firm, formal grounds to object to the transaction.
Now, Mr. President, this statement has me stumped. Apparently, the State Department has not made its own determination of whether the rolling mills are strategic, or are on the agreed list, but has relied entirely upon the representations of the German Government.
Frankly, Mr. President, I was very much interested in the willingness of the State Department to accept the determination by the selling nation in this transaction that its sale did not violate the agreement. When I consider the large number of employees of the Department of State, many with advanced degrees and vast diplomatic experience, sitting at their desks in Foggy Bottom and daily escaping the need to make their own decisions by placing absolute faith and reliance on the determinations made by our allies, I cease to wonder why we sometimes look like fools to the other nations of the world.
The State Department letter goes on to inform me that the United States has expressed its "regret" and its "concern" over the transaction. Specifically, the letter says that the United States, and I quote, "expressed concern over the public implications of this transaction."
Mr. President, I should like to express my concern over the public implications of the State Department's position. Is the Department of State trying to say that its concern lies in the public knowledge of this deal by the German Government with Communist China? If so, I must say that its concern is well warranted. The American public can have no choice but to regard this action by our German ally as a direct repudiation of the mission for which American boys are being killed by Chinese weapons this very day in Vietnam.
Nevertheless, I am disturbed by the implication that the Department of State might not be so concerned if the deal between Germany and Red China were to be carried out in secret. I should like to reassure both the German Government and the Department of State that the Senate of the United States will be greatly concerned over deals of this sort regardless of their public or secret nature.
I am very much disturbed by this proposed sale and guarantee of credit. I hope that the German Government, on its own, will reconsider its decision in the light of the threat to the international peace which this sale poses.
Here in Washington, I hope that the Department of State will make its own determination of where the national interest lies in preserving peace. I hope that the Department of State will acquire the capability of making its own determinations of the strategic importance of such articles of trade as steel rolling mills. I hope that the Department of State will promptly take such further measures as are necessary to convince the German Government of where that nation's interests lie.
A number of Members of the Senate have indicated their interest in this matter. Among them is the Senator from Maine, who has recently written a letter to the German Ambassador which should be widely read. I ask unanimous consent that this letter from Senator MUSKIE be printed at this point.
There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:
APRIL 7,1866.
Hon. HEINRICH KNAPPSTEIN,
German Embassy,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Mr. AMBASSADOR. I appreciate your thoughtfulness in sending me an explanation of the proposed delivery of two steel rolling mills to Red China.
Obviously, the facts are less disturbing than they would be if the proposed plant would add to the steelmaking capacity of Red China and to her capacity to produce shells, tanks, armor plate, and other military items.
Nevertheless, these plants are intended to enhance Red China's industrial capacity. They can, according to your statement, enhance her capacity to produce jeeps, trucks, and steel helmets, and presumably other items which have military utility.
These facts, which are your facts, will create concern among American citizens who are interested in knowing whether our friends are with us. On my recent visit to Germany, I explored this question with several of your country's leaders and was repeatedly reassured on this point.
This action by your country is not likely to be interpreted by Americans as that of a friend interested in doing what it can, within limitations which are understandable, in supporting the United States in southeast Asia. I still regard it as a most unfortunate development.
The news stories did not indicate that Belgium and Austria were also involved or that Great Britain and Japan were interested. My reaction as to them is the same.
I am sure you would not want me to be other than frank in this reply.
Sincerely,
EDMUND S. MUSKIE
U.S. Senator.
Mr. McINTYRE. Mr. President, if necessary, I shall propose bills and resolutions specifying sanctions to be taken against nations which aid aggressors in the strengthening of their strategic capacities.
Among such sanctions could be the further relocation of troops, the suspension or cancellation of military procurement contracts, the imposition of trade sanctions, the suspension of gold conversion privileges, and other sanctions appropriate to the problem of dealing with the suppliers of a criminal regime.
However, Mr. President, I am genuinely hopeful that such measures will not be necessary. I am hopeful that the German Government will be able to reexamine this matter on its own, and will be able to reach its own conclusions about the gravity of approval of this transaction.
Germany has changed since the days when I fought in our Army in Europe. The German people, I believe, have truly indicated their desire to be friends with America, and to help us in our shared goal of a world of peace.
I am certain that a rational and dispassionate reexamination of this question will lead to a solution which will be a contribution, and not an impediment, to this goal.