June 17, 1964
PAGE 14240
SENATOR MUSKIE'S ADDRESS BEFORE POLISH-AMERICAN VETERANS OF MASSACHUSETTS ON CIVIL RIGHTS
Mr. HART. Mr. President, I yield myself 1 minute.
I am sure that many Senators have been asked, as have I, why the rights of one-tenth of our population are so important -- why the securing of these rights should receive so much of our time and attention.
The answer, of course, is both simple and profound. That answer is that freedom is indivisible -- that no man is free until all are free, that the dignity of none of us is assured as long as some of us are humiliated.
Recently, the Senator from Maine [Mr. MUSKIE], in a speech before the Polish-American Veterans of Massachusetts, developed this theme of civil rights for Negroes as a necessity for all Americans. In doing so, he made unmistakably clear the case, in both moral and constitutional terms, for the bill before us. In these weeks of debate there have been many speeches, but none more effectively or movingly speaks to the conscience and heart of America than does this.
Because I believe it is important that this speech, reflecting as it does the deep convictions of our distinguished colleague, Mr. MUSKIE, be widely read, I ask unanimous consent that it may be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:
CIVIL RIGHTS: A NECESSITY FOR ALL AMERICANS
(An address by U.S. Senator EDMUND S. MUSKIE,Democrat, of Maine, to the Polish American Veterans of Massachusetts in Springfield, Mass., June 6,1964)
The U.S. Senate is engaged in a debate on the future of our society. In its examination of the civil rights legislation now pending, it is determining the ability of the United States to achieve at home the goals of freedom for all men so boldly outlined in the Declaration of Independence and in the Constitution.
That debate is not taking place in a vacuum. The discussion in the Senate Chamber is an extension of the debate which permeates all America. In local political contests, in votes on local ordinances, in discussions of school policies, in sit-ins, picketing, interracial committees, and street encounters the American people are wrestling with the problems of equality and opportunity. We are gripped by a crisis which was not entirely of our making, but which is ours to solve.
Civil rights has a special significance for those of us whose forebears recently sought freedom and opportunity on these shores.
My father's father was a farmer in Russian-occupied Poland prior to the turn of the century. He shared the intense patriotism and love of liberty which has preserved the identity of our ancestors as a people through centuries of oppression. He early determined that his youngest son, my father, should have an opportunity to build a better and freer life than appeared possible under the czarist tyranny.
In his early teens my father was apprenticed to a tailor. At the age of 17, having learned his trade, he left his home, embarking on a new life -- preferring the bright prospect of the unknown and unfamiliar freedom to his oppression-darkened homeland.
What he found here forever justified his hopes and his father's faith. What he had lost in leaving the warmth of his family had been more than offset by what he had gained -- for his father's dreams, for himself, and for his children
Here, if a man had ability, he could apply it in a manner of his own choosing. Here, if a man had an opinion, he could express it without fear of reprisal. Here, if a man disagreed with governmental policy, he could say so, and, more than that, he could do something about it by casting his ballot at the polls.
Here, a man was completely free to reap the fruits of his own integrity, intellectual and physical capacity, his own work. There were no heights toward which he could not strive. It mattered not what might be his national background, his religious or political beliefs, or his economic status in life.
In 1789, Benjamin Franklin described the America which was my father's life, when he wrote: "God grant, that not only the love of liberty but, a thorough knowledge of the rights of man, may pervade all the nations of the earth, so that a philosopher may set his foot anywhere on its surface, and say, 'This is my country.’"
Everyone in America is a member of a minority group. It may be economic, social, political, religious, racial, regional, or based on national origin. It may not make us subject to discrimination today, but it could tomorrow.
The character of our minority status may vary in its impact upon our effective enjoyment of dignity, equality, security, and opportunity. It may not today constitute a disability in any of these respects, but it could tomorrow.
To those who say -- and there are such -- that certain national and ethnic groups are better and more desirable as Americans than others, let us ask: "Who is to make the selection, and at what point in history, and is the selection subject to revision as the majority coalition changes?"
To those who say that there are superior and inferior citizens, depending wholly upon race, national origin, religion, or color, let us ask: Who is to make the selection, and how can you be sure what your status will be when the majority coalition takes shape?
I am not suggesting that the case for civil rights should be based upon fear of each other.
I am saying simply this, our differences have made our country great. They have done so increasingly because creative ability, intellectual capacity and high moral and spiritual principles, wherever found, have been allowed to seek their highest attainable level.
I am also saying this: Our differences can destroy us; and the instruments for such destruction are prejudice, fear, indifference, hatred, and retaliation.
This is why I believe the achievement of equal opportunity for the American Negro is so important to all of us.
On January 20, 1961, in the course of one of the most stirring inaugural addresses ever made by an American President, the late John F. Kennedy accepted, for all Americans, the responsibilities of leadership in a time of troubles.
He said: "In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation."
Although he could not at that time have foreseen the precise nature of this current controversy, John Kennedy's words are fully applicable today. To the Members of the U.S. Senate and to all Americans has come the responsibility and the rare opportunity to act decisively for the common good in a time of crisis. Let there be no mistake about it, the civil rights bill can be, and will be, a major outpost in our defense of freedom in this, a time of maximum danger.
There is -- in every corner of America, on every continent in the world -- a seething restlessness. It is the impatience of those who for years -- even centuries -- have suffered unfairly under the crushing yoke of poverty, discrimination and exclusion. That restlessness, that impatience will not be dissipated by words of promise and counsels of yet more patience. It will disappear only when firm action is taken; action which will tear up and cast aside forever the roots from which have sprung this blight on the face and conscience of America.
I find it hard to believe that there is a single American who really believes, deep down, in his heart and soul, that another American citizen should not have the right to vote just because he is a Negro, or that he should not have the right to eat in a public place just because he is a Negro; or that he should not have the right to equal job opportunities just because he is a Negro. All the torrent of words, all the legalistic arguments, all the appeals to the Constitution cannot obscure this basic, simple truth:
Every American citizen has the right to equal treatment -- not favored treatment -- not complete individual equality -- just equal treatment.
If we can at least agree that all men are truly entitled to equal treatment, then the civil rights controversy is over methods, not goals. It is over how best to guarantee to each American his birthright, not whether he is entitled to it.
If that is the true meaning of the civil rights debate -- and I believe that it is -- then we should address ourselves to the real question: How can this society best provide a framework within which each and every American is free to engage in the pursuit of happiness to the fullest extent that his talents make possible? And is the civil rights bill the very best method for achieving that objective?
The very best method would be for each of us to voluntarily accept our fellow citizens for their worth -- without regard for their race, creed, or national origin. The very best method would make unnecessary any legislation which seeks to compensate for man's innate feelings. The very best method would mean the universal application of the Golden Rule, in every aspect of our daily lives.
But, we do not yet live in a perfect country, or a perfect world. As long as this Nation is made up of human beings, human failings will be with us. We know that in the harsh realities of the here and now America in the spring of 1964 -- the very best method is not practical, because it is not possible.
Discrimination will not just disappear in time. It must be actively erased.
We must act -- now -- for those who should be acting in the States are simply not doing so. Too many of those who proclaim States rights are unwilling to insist upon the responsibility of the States to deal with the problem. The Constitution is not a warped shield behind which any State may acquiesce in any indignity upon its citizens, safely sheltered from the Central Government.
If we must act, is the civil rights bill a reasonable, responsible way to do so -- not a perfect way, not the very best way, but a reasonable way, designed to provide effective legal guidelines without sacrificing any citizen's personal liberty?
I submit that it is. The bill is constitutional. The bill is responsible. The bill is reasonable.
I believe in the importance of strong State government. I believe in diffusing the base of power as broadly as possible in a democracy. I believe that the States should assume maximum responsibility in the protection of the rights of their citizens.
But I do not believe the Constitution of the United States was designed or intended to protect those who would block the doors of public educational institutions against the admission of qualified students because of race or color.
I do not believe the Constitution of the United States was designed or intended to protect those who would set different standards of qualifications for voters accorded to their race or color.
I do not believe the Constitution of the United States was designed or intended to protect those who would deny equal protection of the laws to individual citizens because of race or color.
I do not believe the Constitution of the United States was designed or intended to protect those who would discriminate against individuals in places of public accommodation because of race or color.
Discrimination exacts a terrible toll on our Negro citizens, in the deprivation of dignity, in inadequate education, in the loss of job opportunities.
Consider these facts:
1. Unemployment rates among nonwhites is double the rate among whites,
2. Forty-seven percent of all white workers hold white-collar jobs; for nonwhites the figure is 17 percent,
3. Twenty percent of all Negro women who graduate from high school can find only domestic work; for whites the figure is 2 percent,
4. Finally, the average Negro with 4 years of college will earn less in his lifetime than a white man who quit school after the 8th grade.
We must ask ourselves whether a person otherwise qualified -- should be refused a job simply because he happens to be a Negro?
Let me say, here, that I consider the question of job opportunities under the civil rights bill only part of our national problem. We need expanded job opportunities for all Americans, not just a redistribution and increased competition for existing jobs.
In words that will live as long as man cherishes freedom, the Preamble to the Constitution declares that "We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America." With these words our Founding Fathers formulated for us a standard by which our actions must be judged for all time. These men dreamed of creating a society which would provide its members with the basis for living their lives to the fullest. We now face a major challenge to this society to determine whether it is at long last ready to give to a significant segment the rights they were told were theirs 103 years ago.
If we are to make our Union more perfect, we must eliminate all obstacles to equal opportunity. If we are to establish justice, we must eradicate all injustices that deny men their dignity and human worth. If we are to insure domestic tranquillity, we must put an end to those practices which drive men into the streets in search of their rights. If we are to provide for the common defense, we must make all Americans proud to serve their country. If we are to promote the general welfare, we must make it possible for all Americans to gain the education and training necessary for them to find and obtain jobs utilizing their full potential.
And, finally, if we are to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, we must take steps to guarantee the equality of all Americans, regardless of race, creed, or color.